"puppy-like desire." That's a new one for me. I think I like it.
Mecos, you're right: in terms of political theory and judicial review, what Gonzalez says about anything doesn't have any more importance than a heap of dog sh*t. But in terms of the real world, Gonzalez's views reflect what the administration is thinking and doing.
Basically, Gonzalez's testimony is one big ritualized squatting over the Constitution and letting fly with a major dump. He's saying: we (= the administration) can do this kind of violence to the clear meaning of the Constitution, and we don't even care how stupid it sounds. We are so contemptuous of Congress that we won't even bother presenting a decent argument. He's demonstrating that neither the Congress nor the Constitution has any power to constrain the administration from doing what it wants to do.
When the government is working properly, I don't much care what one donk says about anything. There are checks and balances in place. But right now I'm not sure the checks and balances are actually there. The executive branch has this theory, that they're making explicit, that says that they can do whatever they want, and nobody can stop them.
F'r instance: Cheney has said that the administration thinks they have the right to attack Iran, or anybody else, regardless of whether there is a vote. Even if the Congress comes down and explicitly passes a law saying no going to war in Iran, they can ignore it and attack anyway. IIRC, Cheney thought that the first George Bush made a mistake by going to Congress to ask for authorization to kick Saddam out of Kuwait, because Cheney thinks the executive branch has the unilateral right to make all decisions with respect to issues of war and peace. I think that's a radical theory. It gets really radical, and scary, when it's taken to apply to all aspects of government, not just war and peace. The Padilla case was originally justified by talking about dirty bombs, which at least relates to war. But this newest justification seems to be more forthright: all your rights are belong to us, the executive branch, and we won't even bother pretending to justify it by talking about war or terrorism anymore. In fact, like I said earlier, we won't even bother pretending to make a reasonable justification. It's a pure power play.
The Padilla case is actually more important than Gonzalez's justification of it. No matter how you spin it, Jose Padilla was an American citizen who was picked up and then incarcerated for years (and tortured?) with no right to see a lawyer and no chance to contest the charges against him. He was treated as guilty without a trial. I would think that being an American citizen would mean that, at minimum, you have the right not to have that happen to you. Period. But as the Padilla case shows, we don't have that right.
(Maybe we have that right in theory. Maybe a 5-4 majority of Supreme Court justices might eventually conclude that what happened to Padilla was unconstitutional and wrong. But it still happened. Not a lot of comfort to know that "in theory" you have a right, when in practice it can be ignored at any time.)
If Padilla didn't have that as a fundamental right (in the real world, not just the world of theory), then neither do you, and neither do I.
Let me put it this way. Say your father is arrested tomorrow by agents of the US government and swept off to a secret prison, where he is held indefinitely. (If your father is dead, my condolences; please substitute another family member.) No lawyer is allowed to see him. Nobody knows where he is. He is not charged with any crime.
Who, exactly, has the power to get him freed? Who has the power to challenge his detention?
I can't think of anybody. Can you? (That's a serious question, by the way. Please answer it as best you can.)
If the answer to these questions is "Nobody," then what exactly is meant by saying that your father (or anyone else) has any rights? (Right to vote isn't really applicable when you're in prison. Same goes for right to peaceably assemble or speak freely or bear arms or ....)
Conclusion: Until somebody makes clear to the administration that there are three co-equal branches of government and that the Constitution is not toilet paper, you have the rights that the administration wants you to have. Full stop. In theory, you have a ton of rights that nobody can take away. In practice, not so much.
Maybe all this makes me a raving lefty of some sort. I'm not sure how. If it were Bill (or Hillary) Clinton who thought being Prez meant they could ignore the Constitution, the Supremes, and the Congress, I'd be just as pissed-off and worried. If Hillary started imprisoning Republicans on the charge of being part of "a vast right-wing conspiracy," and then holding them in jail without trial, I'd be on the side of the Republicans in saying she's a nutcase and needs to be stopped.
Maybe I'm not a lefty per se, just an alarmist -- a little too prepared to see the worst. That's definitely possible. Although I came down firmly against all of the "9/11 was a plot" theories, when those were floating around here. I don't think it's particularly likely that the Kennedy assassination was a conspiracy, either, for what that's worth....